Asian Universities Play Catch-up in Global Rankings

The California Institute of Technology is still No. 1 university in the world, according to the Times Higher Education rankings, compiled in London and published last week, and American institutions still dominate top 10. But in the middle of the pack, Asian universities were biggest gainers, D.D. Guttenplan writes. Institutions in China, South Korea, Singapore, Australia moved up, while many American universities moved down. Seoul National University, for example, jumped to 59th place from 124th. Phil Baty, the rankings editor at large at The Times, credited increased education spending in Asia, and a decrease of such financing in the West. Growth is relative: The highest-ranked Asian institution, University of Tokyo, is only at No. 27. Still, the Asian universities are making a big push. The same week that rankings were released, Todai, as the top Japanese university is called, announced a new English-only four-year degree designed to make its appeal more international, Miki Tanikawa reports.

Link: http://rendezvous.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/10/08/asian-universities-play-catch-up-in-global-rankings/

The Great Reversal

What we are witnessing in Europe, and what may loom for the United States, is the exhaustion of the modern social order. Since the early 1800s, industrial societies rested on a marriage of economic growth and political stability. Economic progress improved people’s lives and anchored their loyalty to the state. Wars, depressions, revolutions and class conflicts interrupted cycle. But over time, prosperity fostered stable democracies in the United States, Europe and parts of Asia. Present economic crisis might reverse this virtuous process. Slower economic expansion would feed political instability and viceversa. This would be historic and ominous break from past. It’s this specter that hovers over the U.S. election and entire developed world, though it need not come true. Modern economies, especially United States’, possess great recuperative powers. The democratic traditions are strong. Still, a reversal can’t be excluded, because most advanced countries face slower economic growth, even if (hardly certain) they successfully navigate the fallout of the global financial crisis. Semi-stagnant societies can’t meet all expectations for jobs, higher wages and government benefits. Political institutions then lose legitimacy. Europe could foretell this dismal spiral. Demographics alone suggest slower economic growth. The aging of United States, Japan and most European countries reduces labor force growth, because there are fewer new workers compared with retiring workers. In United States, average labor force growth is now reckoned by the Congressional Budget Office at 0.5% a year, a third of its post-1950 average. Elsewhere, prospects are worse. In Germany, labor force is barely growing; Japan, it’s declining. In the short run, a slowing labor force cushions unemployment. In long run, it reduces economic growth. From 1950 to 2011, U.S. economic growth averaged 3.3% annually, divided roughly equally between an average labor force increases of 1.5% annually and productivity gains of 1.8%. (Productivity, efficiency, generally reflects new technologies, better management, more skilled workers.) With the labor force increasing more slowly, the pace of potential U.S. economic expansion would drop to 2.3% annually, assuming that productivity gains stay the same. Unfortunately, that’s an iffy assumption (…..) Economic progress, progress that people can feel and that feeds hope and optimism, favors political stability. If progress shrinks or vanishes, stability may suffer. People lose faith and feel betrayed. The role of economic growth in advanced societies is increasingly to satisfy the many claims from different groups. People can (or think they can) pursue their self-interest without harming common good. When the system reduces or rejects many of those claims, as is now happening in Europe, pursuit of self-interest becomes more contentious and destructive. What’s happening in America is different in degree, but not in kind, from what’s occurring in Europe. Stalled economic growth there is straining political system’s ability to meet all expectations. People take to the streets; extremist parties expand. To avoid Europe’s fate, we should reduce people’s claims on the system and strive for faster economic growth. That’s the lesson. If we ignore it, history may slip into reverse.

Link: http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/robert-j-samuelson-the-great-reversal/2012/10/07/01ec6ff0-0f0a-11e2-bd1a-b868e65d57eb_story_1.html

Crisis de confianza

El profundo malestar social incubado durante la crisis económica está derivando en problema de confianza en el sistema político. Desvanecida la esperanza que los recortes presupuestarios del Gobierno permitan enderezar el estado de la economía, se ha instalado la idea del agravio comparativo en el reparto de las cargas. 9 ciudadanos de cada 10 están de acuerdo en que la crisis la pagan todos, menos los bancos y los más ricos, según barómetro de Metroscopia publicado por EL PAÍS. Temor al empobrecimiento, debilidad política, dan paso a graves premoniciones: de no mejorar la situación, mayoría de encuestados considera probable que se hagan más frecuentes manifestaciones masivas (91%), aumente la inseguridad ciudadana (84%), más protestas violentas (79%), asaltos a comercios (64%) o boicoteos a los bancos (61%). Aunque la mayoría cree en la ley, 3 de cada 10 personas ya no lo ven como la barrera ante la que siempre hay que detenerse. En consonancia con este estado de opinión, los dos principales partidos del arco parlamentario acusan un gravísimo desgaste. El PP pierde 14,7 puntos respecto de las legislativas de 2011 y experimenta brusca caída en la fidelidad de sus votantes. Si hace un año 90% de quien le habían votado declaraba que repetiría, ahora solo lo haría 51%. El PSOE, mientras tanto, sigue hundiéndose: con 4,5 puntos menos que en las últimas legislativas, obtendría ahora el peor resultado de su historia y lo que es peor, solo 41% de quienes le votaron dice estar dispuesto a hacerlo de nuevo. Que el 77% de los ciudadanos comparta los argumentos de los que se manifestaron en las cercanías del Congreso no implica voluntad masiva de ocupar las calles, pero tampoco desautoriza a los que lo hacen. Queda claro que el presidente del Gobierno, Mariano Rajoy, cometió otro error al suponer que la “mayoría silenciosa” está en contra de las manifestaciones del 25-S o que las críticas al Ejecutivo son minoritarias. El Gobierno, que ha esgrimido la defensa del Congreso para justificar la actuación policial en el 25-S, continúa ninguneando al Parlamento cuando abusa de la técnica decreto ley y usa su mayoría absoluta para evitar las comparecencias del jefe del Ejecutivo o hurtar debates importantes a la Cámara. Esas prácticas traban el buen funcionamiento de la democracia parlamentaria en beneficio de un presidencialismo del que no se ven los frutos, y atacan un principio básico: la calle no puede sustituir a las instituciones. Españoles, a los que ya no da miedo reformar la Constitución, lamentan que los principales partidos no quieran volver al método basado en el pacto y la transacción propio del periodo de Transición. La situación lo exige. Entendimiento y búsqueda consensuada de soluciones es la única esperanza que le queda a la mayoría silenciosa para encontrar una salida del túnel, repartir más equitativamente las cargas, precisamente la vía no ensayada durante la crisis. (Fuente: Editorial – El Pais.com – 08/10/2012)