Rebuilding regions in times of crises: the future of Europe and the ‘voice’ of citizens

(…..) Most observers have been looking at regionalization as a politically neutral phenomena in international affairs. Research in this field has been restricted to ‘quantity’ of regionalism, rather than ‘quality’. Whether it is to explain the long gradual evolution of authority from nation states to supranational institutions (neo-functionalism) or it is to demonstrate the continuous bargaining process involving national governments (intergovernmentalism), mainstream approaches to regional cooperation and integration have refrained from looking at the quality of regionalization. Will there be more or fewer regions in the world? Will regional institutions replace the nation state? Will regional governance become predominant in years to come? Granted, these are very important questions and deserve to be examined in depth, especially in academic circles. Yet, the current crises force us to assess the state of regionalism in the world not only in terms of its predominance and diffusion, but also, and more importantly, in terms of how it contributes, if any, towards the well-being of our societies. Most ‘models’ and ‘practices’ of regionalism have tended to exclude diversity of voices and roles in society. They have often served specific interests of ruling elites (as in Latin America and Africa), the ambitions of hegemonic actors (Europe and Asia) or agendas of industrial and financial powers. Through their apparently neutral technocratic character, most attempts at regional cooperation and integration have aimed to obscure the fact that there are winners and losers in regionalism processes. This top-down model is being increasingly challenged. Overlapping crises and the redistribution of power at the global level call into question capacity of regions to deliver on promises, thus unveiling the unavoidable political character of any model of regionalism. In response to the growing cost of regionalism, citizens want to have more say over future regional trajectories, exercise their democratic powers. As a consequence, regionalism is evolving from a ‘closed’ process, designed, packaged by a small circle of political, economic elites, to an ‘open’ process, in which democratic participation and accountability are playing an ever more important role. Borrowing from jargon of Internet users, one may say that regions are transitioning from a 1.0 dominated by technocrats to a 2.0 stage characterised by horizontal networks, alternative models, citizens’ contestations. The EU, undoubtedly the most advanced and successful example of regionalism, is now experiencing the direst consequences of such a transition. Amid rising unemployment, social malaise, growing discontent for the lack of accountability of national and regional politics, millions of citizens have been protesting against the Union and its political-economic agenda. Quite contrary to what the eurosceptics would have us believe, citizens do not call for less Europe: they want a different Europe. They would like regional integration to be more connecting cultures and individuals and less about supporting capital. They would like regional institutions to focus on helping unemployed rather than bailing out bankrupt banks. They would like to see more solidarity across classes and generations, rather than less. They would like cooperation to be about building a different future instead of reshuffling old ideas. Future of regionalism may very well entail a growing ‘politicisation’ of regions, whereby citizens and civil society demand voice and power in influencing not just general principles, values, also long-term political trajectories of their regions.

Link: http://www.opendemocracy.net/lorenzo-fioramonti/rebuilding-regions-in-times-of-crises-future-of-europe-and-%E2%80%98voice%E2%80%99-of-citizens 

China’s Communist Elders Take Backroom Intrigue Beachside

Clutching a wooden cane and aided by an entourage of young people, the old man in a black silk shirt and matching shorts hobbled up the stairs to Kiessling, a decades-old Austrian restaurant not far from the teeming beaches of this seaside resort. He sat on the balcony and ordered ice cream. It was the best in town, he told his companions. At least it had been in his youth. “This man is a relative of Zhou Enlai,” restaurant manager said in a low voice to some foreigners at a nearby table, referring to the revered prime minister of China in Mao era. “He’s come here before. He stays in neighborhood where the leaders live.” In any other city, even Beijing, it would be unusual to casually run into a relative of Mr. Zhou. But it is midsummer in Beidaihe, which means one thing: Communist Party elders and their families are congregating here, about 180 miles east of Beijing, to swim and dine and gossip and to shape the future of world’s most populous nation. It is palace intrigue by the sea. In their guarded villas, current and past leaders will negotiate to try to place allies in the 25-member Politburo and its elite Standing Committee, at the top of the party hierarchy. The selections will be announced at the 18th Party Congress this fall in Beijing, heralding what is expected to be only the second orderly leadership transition in more than 60 years of Communist rule. “This is where the factional struggles are settled and the decisions are made,” said one resident, surnamed Li, who, like others interviewed for this article, spoke on condition of anonymity because of delicate nature of Chinese politics. “At the meetings in the fall, everyone just raises their hands.” Beidaihe is a Chinese combination of the Jersey Shore and Martha’s Vineyard, with a pinch of red fervor: hilly streets and public beaches are packed with shirtless Russians and Chinese families, while the party elites remain hidden in their villas and on their private patches of sand. A clock tower near Kiessling chimes “The East is Red,” a classic Mao anthem. The security presence has surged in recent weeks. Police officers in light blue uniforms patrol on Suzuki motorcycles and stand on street corners watching for jaywalkers. They have set up a checkpoint on the main road leading into town. The informal talks are expected to start late this month and run into August, continuing a tradition that went into partial eclipse after China’s top leader, Hu Jintao, took over from Jiang Zemin in 2002, and ordered party and government offices to stop more formal operations from seaside during the summer palaver. But Mr. Jiang reportedly chafed at that and continued hobnobbing here with his allies. There was a notable conclave here in 2007 Mr. Hu attended, to pave way for 17th Party Congress, according to scholars, State Department cable disclosed by WikiLeaks. In any case, politicking is inevitable when elders show up to escape stifling heat and pollution of Beijing (…..)

Link: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/22/world/asia/chinas-communist-elders-take-backroom-intrigue-beachside.html

Las autonomías se enfrentan a su asfixia

Las comunidades deben afrontar vencimientos por más de 15.800 millones de euros antes de final de año. El vértigo entre los responsables de las arcas regionales surge cuando comprueban que los ingresos fiscales están cayendo, más de un 6% en el primer trimestre. Y los recortes aún no están teniendo los efectos esperados. El viernes la Comunidad valenciana fue la primera en adherirse al llamado Fondo de Liquidez Autonómica. Al tiempo, otras autonomías se plantean también pedir ayuda al Estado. Algunas, como Cataluña, Andalucía, Aragón, Murcia, Castilla-La Mancha o Extremadura, ya lo reclamaron con insistencia en el último Consejo de Política Fiscal y Financiera. A pesar de las estrecheces financieras algunas comunidades autónomas se resisten, en público, a admitir que pedirán el rescate al Gobierno por el temor a severas condiciones presupuestarias. Además, pretenden evitar que se vincule la adhesión al Fondo de Liquidez Autonómico con un rescate y genere tensiones políticas en sus territorios. “Es parecido al plan de pago a proveedores que suscribimos la mayoría de regiones”, asegura un consejero regional. No obstante, la mayoría reconoce que la situación económica es límite y admiten que tienen dificultades de acudir a los mercados. Aun así se resisten a decir que se sumarán al mecanismo de liquidez. Acuciado por los problemas de la tesorería, el Gobierno catalán está prácticamente abocado a acudir al Fondo de Liquidez Autonómico. La situación de las arcas catalanas sigue siendo crítica. Para este mes el Ejecutivo de Artur Mas está tratando de cerrar con entidades financieras crédito puente de cerca de 500 mill. Sin esa entrada de fondos, la Generalitat ya ha avisado a escuelas y hospitales concertados de que este mes se quedarán sin cobrar, puesto que solo alcanzaría a pagar nóminas de empleados públicos, vencimientos de deuda y algunos proveedores. Ayer el secretario de Organización de CDC y diputado de la federación nacionalista en el Parlamento catalán, Josep Rull, admitió que el Gobierno está sopesando seguir pasos de Valencia. Cataluña lleva dos meses intentando recurrir a préstamos a corto plazo para salvar los muebles. Con una deuda de 42.000 millones, la más alta de España en términos absolutos y en relación con su PIB, la Generalitat se enfrenta a vencimientos de 5.755 millones, mayoría de los cuales se concentran en el último trimestre. Analistas señalan que la recesión no hará sino agravarse en lo que queda de año por las rondas de recortes de la Administración catalana, en especial, por los últimos ajustes del Gobierno central. Todo ello indica que el fondo de liquidez sea el recurso más viable. La única pega para sus responsables es el estigma de ser señalados “rescatados”, en especial de cara al electorado nacionalista (…..)

Link: http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2012/07/22/actualidad/1342909042_406636.html