Dawn of a New China ??

Corruption Is a Serious Problem. In his speech to the 18th Party Congress, outgoing President Hu Jintao warned that corruption “could prove fatal to the party, and even cause the collapse of the party and the fall of the state.” The newly appointed general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party Xi Jinping also recognized that there are “many pressing problems within the party to be resolved, particularly corruption.” Why are party leaders so concerned about corruption? After all, China is not so corrupt if compared to countries with similar levels of economic development. According to Transparency International, democratic countries like Indonesia and India are perceived as more corrupt. But corruption won’t shake the foundations of the political system in democratic countries. Leaders get their legitimacy from being chosen by the people, and the people can change their leaders the next election if they aren’t satisfied. In China, the system is supposed to be a political meritocracy that selects leaders with superior ability and virtue. Put negatively, the regime will lack legitimacy if its leaders are seen to be corrupt. Until recently, most dissatisfaction in China was directed at corruption by lower level officials, but the Bo Xilai case points to rot at the top that more directly threatens the very foundations of the political system. So what should be done to combat corruption? Power of state-run enterprises needs to be curbed. A more open, critical news media, would help to expose abuses. Hong Kong has higher salaries for government officials and an independent anticorruption agency, measures that can be generalized to the rest of China. But such legal means won’t be sufficient without self-restraint and a sense of social responsibility on the part of political leaders. Official ideology of Marxism has hardly anything to offer in that respect. Hence, a necessary long-term measure to combat corruption is political education informed by ethical system, as Confucianism.

Room for Debate: http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2012/11/22/dawn-of-a-new-china/corruption-in-china-could-very-well-bring-down-the-state


Acerca de ignaciocovelo
Consultor Internacional

2 Responses to Dawn of a New China ??

  1. Professor Uziel Nogueira says: I was in China during the last 18th Party Congress. Xi Jinping speech recognizing widespread corruption among the Communist Party and the public sector is an important step to address the problem. Since China is still a developing country, curbing corruption is important for two reasons. First, high levels of corruption are incompatible with a country soon to become a superpower. The more corrupt a country, the less advanced and less competitive the economy. In other words, China cannot become a true superpower with a Latin American level of corruption; Second, legitimacy of the Communist Party. China has reached a stage of progress that requires a high moral standing of its political leadership and curbing corruption in the public sector. A vibrant, urban middle class of 400 million strong Chinese has high aspirations that goes beyond economic growth. China’s political leadership is facing the corruption question up front and will address the problem satisfactory. After all, the experience of ruling a country of 1.3 billion people for two millennia comes handy at this point of China’s history.


  2. When American diplomats in China scanned the political landscape this year for officials on a fast track to the Communist Party’s top ranks, one name jumped out: Hu Chunhua. So in June, the United States ambassador, Gary F. Locke, traveled to Inner Mongolia, the coal-rich region of grasslands and boom cities, where Mr. Hu is party chief. At a banquet in Hohhot, the regional capital, Mr. Hu proudly opened a bottle of local liquor, and Mr. Locke joined in a toast. Mr. Hu’s rising star got brighter this month when he was named one of 15 new members on the party’s 25-seat Politburo. Political analysts say he could be on track to ascend to the Politburo’s elite Standing Committee at the next party congress, in 2017. That would put him in the running for the top party job — and the mantle of leader of China — when Xi Jinping, the new party chief, steps down after his expected two five-year terms. Mr. Hu is the most prominent of a clutch of political stars known as China’s “sixth generation.” They were handpicked by party leaders and elders years ago to succeed Mr. Xi’s fifth generation (the first generation was that of Mao Zedong). Now, those politicians are being slotted into some of the most important posts across China. Political insiders say Mr. Hu will probably be sent soon to Guangdong, a coastal province that is central to China’s export economy. His closest rival, Sun Zhengcai, whom Mr. Locke also met this year, was posted earlier this month to Chongqing, the booming southwest municipality of 31 million once run by Bo Xilai, the disgraced party aristocrat. If Mr. Hu and Mr. Sun both make it onto the Standing Committee in 2017, they would be in position to vie for the top two party posts in 2022, which would confer on them the state titles of president or premier. Even as prominent voices across China are calling for greater political openness and a more democratic selection process, the promotions suggest that party leaders want to institutionalize the path to power that elders laid out in back-room deals for Mr. Xi and the new second-ranking party member, Li Keqiang. The two were the only fifth-generation officials selected for the Standing Committee in 2007, putting them ahead of their peers. Mr. Hu and Mr. Sun, both 49, are the youngest members of the Politburo, and their new postings would be aimed at giving them exposure to the economic engines of China’s main industrial centers before they ascended further. “The fact that they’re in the Politburo makes them far more competitive than others,” said Cheng Li, a scholar of Chinese politics at the Brookings Institution. “They’ll be tested in their current positions, but the tests work in their favor unless something terrible happens.”

    Mr. Hu and Mr. Sun grew up during the Cultural Revolution; they were in their formative teenage and young adult years during the dawn of Deng Xiaoping’s “reform and opening” era in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when China experimented with market-economy policies and gradually opened to the world. The two men are better educated than most older leaders: Mr. Hu has a degree in Chinese literature from Peking University; Mr. Sun received a doctorate from China Agricultural University. While earning that degree, Mr. Sun studied in Britain for a half-year (…..)



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